It All Comes Down to Good Bones

"$1,400,000 Renovation of Denny Hall Set." Clipping courtesy of America's Historical Newspapers.

“$1,400,000 Renovation of Denny Hall Set.” Clipping courtesy of America’s Historical Newspapers.

Like many prospective freshmen, I was first introduced to Denny Hall during a tour of the University of Washington. My tour guide captioned it the oldest building on campus. Since then, I’ve come to know Denny Hall rather well, though I’m not sure I’ll ever make sense of its seemingly nonsensical layout. Recently, it seems I may have come across an explanation for the building’s current arrangement.

Designed by Charles W. Saunders, Denny Hall was originally constructed in1895, at which time it was designated the Administration Building. At the end of the 19th century, it was large enough to serve the university’s full student body as well as the faculty. It housed classrooms, a library, and a large amphitheater situated in the back of the building. However, decades down the line would see the UW student body increased significantly. Strapped for space and anticipating even more growth in the future, the UW looked to Denny Hall (so renamed in 1910) as an affordable opportunity. Plans for a renovation budget were approved in 1954, and again in 1974. Below are plans for the second floor dated 1894 and 1956 respectively. Notice that the auditorium has been converted into classrooms by 1956.

Denny Hall, second floor plan, 1894. Image courtesy of Campus Engineering records (0001-A-_3_).

Denny Hall, second floor plan, 1894. Image courtesy of Campus Engineering records (0001-A-_3_).

Denny Hall, second floor plan, 1956. Image courtesy of Campus Engineering records (001-A-_27_).

Denny Hall, second floor plan, 1956. Image courtesy of Campus Engineering records (001-A-_27_).

Though endeared to some for its enduring history, Denny’s primary appeal was its foundation. The interior could be reworked for less than it would have taken to build a comparably sturdy though considerably newer structure elsewhere; meanwhile the exterior would remain for the most part unchanged, the legacy of the UW’s earlier architectural and historical achievements.

Students posed on the steps of Denny Hall (then the Administration Building), 1904. Photo courtesy of UW Libraries Digital Collections.

Students posed on the steps of Denny Hall (then the Administration Building), 1904. Photo courtesy of UW Libraries Digital Collections.

Denny Hall has undergone numerous other changes since its establishment, including remodeling for the Anthropology Department. Even today it’s slated for renovation in the near future, at which time the Anthropology Department will be moved to Condon Hall. Even so, Denny Hall stands as a sort of palimpsest. Every so often its internal workings are metaphorically erased and rewritten. The only traces of past structures appear to be the twists, turns, and chronological disorder that characterize its halls and rooms. In this way, Denny encompasses remembrance and progress all in one—the adaptation of old materials to accommodate new needs.

Sources

Fig. 1. “$1,400,000 Renovation of Denny Hall Set.” (1954). The Seattle Times 35. http://infoweb.newsbank.com.offcampus.lib.washington.edu/iw-search/we/HistArchive/?p_product=EANX&p_theme=ahnp&p_nbid=K54B58YSMTQzMDQ1Mjg4Ny41OTc5MTE6MToxMzoxMjguOTUuMTA0LjY2&p_action=doc&s_lastnonissuequeryname=10&d_viewref=search&p_queryname=10&p_docnum=1&p_docref=v2:127D718D1E33F961@EANX-12B7340296A3F623@2434777-12B72FEFD85B78B1@33-12B74C64E3F57990@

Fig. 2. Saunders, Charles W. Second Floor Plan. 1894, Architectural drawing. Available from: Campus Engineering Facilities Records, https://fsweb1.u.washington.edu/docsearch/sql/facrecframes.asp?build_id=54534756245B4B5D9FD29E690D21401F&build_name=DENNY%20HALL&build_num=001

Fig. 3. Baar, Granger & Thomas Baar. Second Floor Plan. 1956, Architectural drawing. Available from: Campus Engineering Facilities Records, https://fsweb1.u.washington.edu/docsearch/sql/facrecframes.asp?build_id=54534756245B4B5D9FD29E690D21401F&build_name=DENNY%20HALL&build_num=001

Fig. 4. 1904 Campus Day showing students on Denny Hall steps, University of Washington. 1904, Photograph image. Available from: University of Washington Libraries Digital Collections, http://digitalcollections.lib.washington.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/uwcampus/id/852/rec/2

Columbia Center: Largest Building in all of Seattle

The Columbia Center is the largest structure in the city of Seattle and the also the largest in the state of Washington. In fact, the Columbia Center is the 2nd largest structure on the entire West Coast and stands at 943 ft. tall. The only other building that is taller is the U.S. Bank Tower located in Los Angeles, CA. The construction of the building was completed in 1985 by Howard S. Wright Construction. The original architect was Chester L. Lindsey and the design was done by Martin Selig.

Photo by K.L. Slusher

The Columbia Center went through various name changes such as the Columbia Seafirst Center and The Bank of America Tower before ultimately being called the Columbia Center. Many businesses such as banks, tech companies, and law firms are located within the building. There is also an observation deck located on the 73rd floor in the tower called the Sky View Observatory and is open to the public! So if you aren’t afraid of heights and enjoy scenic views this might be worth the trip!

Although this building is not fairly old, it surely is one of Seattle’s most iconic and recognizable buildings. Features of the building such as viscoelastic dampers and triangle shaped bracing make the Columbia Center resistant to hurricane force winds as well as earthquakes. Anyone who is interested can now purchase the Columbia center as it is currently for sale. Beacon Capital Partners bought the building for $621 million dollars in 2007 so it is speculated that the Columbia Center will sell for more than that!

In any case, the building is truly something to be marveled. The views are outstanding, the building is equally as iconic as the Space Needle, and the history of the building is in depth although the building itself is not that old!

Columbia Center Seattle, WA Picture provided by dazzlingplaces.com

Here are a few links to look at!
http://www.historylink.org/index.cfm?DisplayPage=output.cfm&file_id=2627

http://www.howardswright.com/projects/detail/bank-of-america-tower-formerly-columbia-seafirst-tower/

http://www.openmondays.com/colcen.html
http://www.skyviewobservatory.com/#/about

 

The Good Shepherd Center: Homey, Haunted, Historic

I think I lived next to the Good Shepherd Center for a good six months before I realized it was not, in fact, a church. As I attempted to direct my grandfather, Bob, to my house, we got in an argument about the purpose of the building when I told him to “park next to the big church on Sunnyside and 50th.” Dedicated to prove Bob wrong, I asked a close friend (Google) to back me up. Google was not on my side, and I ceded the discussion. For this reason, I was determined to learn as much as I could about thee history of the Center when the opportunity arose this quarter, so as to regain my shattered pride.

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Home of the Good Shepherd, Seattle, April 17th, 1922 Photo by A. Curtis, UW Special Collections (Neg #42734)

 

Home of the Good Shepherd (Alfred C. Breitung, 1907), 1908 Postcard Courtesy Archives Sisters of the Good Shepherd, Mid-Atlantic Province

Home of the Good Shepherd (Alfred C. Breitung, 1907), 1908
Postcard Courtesy Archives Sisters of the Good Shepherd, Mid-Atlantic Province

As it turns out, the Good Shepherd Center has a pretty rad story. The building was initially constructed by the Breitung and Buchinger architectural firm and was completed on July 29th 1907 for the Roman Catholic Sisters of Our Lady of the Good Shepherd, an order dedicated to providing refuge to “wayward girls and children.” The congregation moved from their previous location on First Hill, which was established 1890, so they could have a larger space. It remained a home for troubled girls and young women until 1973, when the building was closed to make room for an 11 story shopping center. Thankfully, the neighborhood rejected that idea and in 1975 was purchased, using residual Forward Thrust and Federal funding, by the City of Seattle, who gave the building to the historic preservation agency Historic Seattle. It was added to the National Registry of Historic Places in May 1978.

Papers upon the addition of the Home of the Good Shepherd to the National Registry of Historic Places

Papers upon the addition of the Home of the Good Shepherd to the National Registry of Historic Places

Screenshot 2015-05-01 18.30.43

Nowadays, the building functions as a community center that houses over 30 non profit organizations and individuals, including the Meridian School, Seattle Tilth, Alliance Française and the Wallingford Senior center. In 2002, low-cost residential artists lofts were added on the buildings top floor. The chapel was also renovated to a performance space. Additionally, it’s hella haunted.

Although hundreds of troubled girls have roamed it’s halls, the architecture of the Good Shepherd Center remains virtually unchanged. The largest structural change to the building was probably the repairs to the damages caused by a fire in 1967. The records concerning this fire were particularly entertaining, due to the discrepancy between the media report and the memory of one of the nuns who was in the building as it burned. According to the Seattle Times on Aug. 8th, 1967, firemen had responded to a fire on the 7th at the Home of the Good Shepherd, safely evacuating the 85 girls and 16 nuns living there at the time. Although the building sustained $30,000 worth of damage (almost $220,000 today), the only significant injury was a paper cut on one of the firemen. The news reports the cause of the fire to be “undetermined.” However, an oral history conducted by Toby Harris provides an alternate story. Sister Valerie Brannon, a nun interviewed by Harris for this history, confesses to know exactly how the fire started. Apparently, a girl got ahold of the attic keys the day before the fire, and then snuck away to light a rack of costumes aflame. According to Sister Brannon, even the firemen knew that this was the cause of the fire, and the guilty party was evicted from the home in less than two days. This is just another glimpse into the complex nature of history and the intricacies of the material record.

Home of the Good Shepherd, typing class, 1957 Courtesy Archives Sisters of the Good Shepherd, Mid-Atlantic Province

Home of the Good Shepherd, typing class, 1957
Courtesy Archives Sisters of the Good Shepherd, Mid-Atlantic Province

Home of the Good Shepherd, ice cream in summerhouse, 1957 Courtesy Archives Sisters of the Good Shepherd, Mid-Atlantic Province

Home of the Good Shepherd, ice cream in summerhouse, 1957
Courtesy Archives Sisters of the Good Shepherd, Mid-Atlantic Province

Girls after my own heart.

Anticipation and Agency in an Analysis of Grave Markers

Calvary Cemetery, St. Michael marker

While examining the aggregate class data from our trip to Calvary Cemetery, I feel that in some ways I found less than expected and yet more than hoped. Not that I knew exactly what I would find during my walk around the cemetery. Differences correlated with gender were of immediate interest to me, though in hindsight I feel that I may have been trying too hard to locate such differences where they might not have occurred or been meaningful. A larger sample per section and consequently a larger overall sample would have provided a better basis for determining if such differences occurred and were indeed significant. Nevertheless, I would not be deterred! I found that a few of the trends I extracted from the data may yet provide insights.

gravestone imagery chart

My first examination concerned the relative consistency of the use of religious imagery on women’s grave markers compared to the use of such imagery on men’s grave markers. Whereas men’s graves tended to feature religious motifs (including crucifixes, religious figures, angels, and bibles) from 1927-1970, women’s graves displayed such images in smaller but more consistently occurring amounts from 1883-2014. My second examination focused on the use of kinship terms as epitaphs; these results revealed a tendency for women’s epitaphs to feature kinship terms more than did men’s epitaphs. And yet, this was not the only point of interest I drew from the data. Despite that women’s graves, like men’s, featured non-kinship and even full-phrased epitaphs, many of these appeared to be religious titles such as “Mother” and “Sister.”

Overall, women’s graves tended to demonstrate strong associations with religion and religious institutions. By contrast, men’s graves begin to shift from religious representation to non-religious, sometimes occupational, representations toward the end of the 19th century. This at first stood out to me as a trend indicative of a tendency to highlight women’s religious affiliations at the expense of their other, possibly occupational, attributes.

However, as recent class discussions have advised: we cannot ignore the potential for agency. It is likely that those interred in Calvary Cemetery, women included, had a say in how they are presented, and remembered, in death. Thus, it is possible that women themselves chose to represent themselves and their religious affiliations in such a way. That is not to say that such a choice was made outside a larger sociocultural context, but it does speak to the potential for women’s active involvement in their own representation.

Gender and Historic Cemeteries

Historic cemeteries can be a huge source of information if you do enough of an analysis of them. One of the most surprising aspects of analyzing gravestones in the Calvary Cemetery in Seattle, WA was the fact that even in death, gender seemed to be represented in various forms. Everything from shapes, designs, and materials used on gravestones seemed to have a correlation with gender . Although not all of these aspects were gender exclusive there were definite patterns.

First of all, throughout the entire cemetery it appeared as though the block shape was by far the most dominant shape of gravestone in-scripted with the names of males. Many females also had block shaped gravestones although not as frequently as the males seemed to have. Contrarily, females tended to have more monument shaped gravestones than compared with males.

The designs used on the gravestones may also have been representative of gender. It seemed as though many females seemed to have flowers, angels, trees and other more feminine features on their gravestones. Males on the other hand seemed to have more items such as ships, plants, mountains, military service symbols, and more masculine features on their gravestones. Common features that were shared nearly equally on the gravestones of males and females were religious symbols such as crosses and bibles. This was not as surprising considering that many of these people most likely shared similar religious beliefs.

An analysis of the material used on the gravestones was also potentially indicative of gender. This was more difficult to interpret with accuracy because other aspects such as material availability at specific times, popularity, and cost may have been equal if not greater factors than gender when it came to deciding on the material. However, it seemed more common throughout the cemetery that males had more granite material used in their gravestones than compared with females. Females seemed to use more stone and cement in their gravestones than compared with males.

Overall, this analysis of shape, design, and material definitely seemed to correlate with gender to an extent although not every aspect was gender exclusive. Many other factors such as time period, age, religious beliefs, and popularity could potentially be reasons why certain shapes, designs, and materials were used. So in a way it is difficult to come to a fully accurate conclusion when examining gender in a cemetery setting.

The Thinker (female version)

graph

 

Meet the Professor: Sara Gonzalez

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Prof. Gonzalez, archaeologist.

As an archaeologist who works at the intersection of tribal historic preservation, colonial studies, and public history, my work brings together anthropological, historical, feminist, and indigenous methods in the study and representation of Native American heritage. My research specifically examines how community-based participatory research can improve the empirical and interpretive quality of archaeological narratives, while also situating archaeology within a more respectful and engaged practice. As a core feature of this work  I am exploring the diverse applications of digital media as tools for contributing to the capacity of tribal communities to manage their historic and environmental resources. In conjunction with these projects I have developed multiple classroom, lab, and field training programs that provide undergraduate and graduate students with the opportunity to participate directly in research with tribal communities and to develop student-directed research that contributes to the capacity of these communities to study, manage, and represent their heritage.

This work centers on my ongoing collaboration with the Kashia Band of Pomo Indians at Fort Ross State Historic Park, a former Russian-American Company mercantile settlement (1812-1841) in northern California. The goal of this partnership involved the development of the Kashaya Pomo Interpretive Trail, a walkable cultural heritage trail and companion website that features the history and heritage of the Kashia within their ancestral homeland. Within the context of this work, community-based participatory research with both the tribal community and the California Department of Parks and Recreation provided the basis for itnegrating Kashaya cultural protocols and values into the study, management, and representation of their heritage within Fort Ross and their ancestral homeland, Metini.

Since coming to the University of Washington in 2013, I have initiated a new, multi-year community-based partnership with the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde Community of Oregon (CTGR) and their Tribal Historic Preservation Office (THPO). The goal of this collaboration is twofold: first, to conduct an archaeological study of 19th and early 20th century sites associated with the community’s settlement onto the Grand Ronde reservation, which was created by executive order in 1855, and second, contribute to the capacity of the CTGR THPO to manage tribal cultural resources on its reservation lands. This summer our project will host a 7-week field school, Field Methods in Indigenous Archaeology, where undergraduate and students will work alongside tribal students and  the Grand Ronde THPO to study the history and development of the 19th century reservation landscape.

Prior to coming to UW, I received my doctorate from the Uni­ver­sity of Cal­i­for­nia, Berke­ley Depart­ment of Anthro­pol­ogy (2011) (Go Bears!) and was a Scholar-in-Residence fel­low in the Depart­ment of Soci­ol­ogy & Anthro­pol­ogy at Car­leton Col­lege and a Chris­t­ian A. John­son Fel­low in the Depart­ment of Anthro­pol­ogy at Vas­sar Col­lege.

When not in the field or the classroom I am often found road tripping across the U.S. to find interesting, old things, trying not to kill the plants in my kitchen garden, or baking cupcakes and pies for lucky students.

Winner of the Golden Spatula Award, 2014: Prof. Gonzalez's Rhubarb Strawberry Pie with Cinnamon Scented whip

Winner of the Golden Spatula Award, 2014: Prof. Gonzalez’s Rhubarb Strawberry Pie with Cinnamon Scented whip

 

The Possibilites of Waste and Wasted Opportunities

Over the past few weeks, I find that, in some way or another, I have been continually brought back to the idea of the single story. While explaining the ways in which development is measured by authoritative agencies, my geography professor explained that, all too often, the effects and outcomes of a project intended to stimulate economic growth are expected to be properly represented by a single statistic; never mind the myriad of other factors inadequately addressed by this percentage. Though a point made in the context of a different discipline, this hearkens back to the admonition made in the earliest weeks of ARCHY 472: beware the single story.

Despite that (or perhaps because) both admonitions had come to me in succession, I still felt caution when analyzing the data sheet I had been given for the garbology lab. Faced with an assortment of the items that had made their way into someone else’s trash bin over the course of a week, I found myself hesitant to come to any conclusions. Was I giving too much weight to the prevalence of plastic packaging as a reflection of diet? Was I not placing enough emphasis on the reusable water bottle, a possible indicator of a busy schedule? I found myself asking so many questions that now I wonder if I truly devised any answers. Even after completing the assignment and condemning it to the finality of the turn-in box, I wondered: Have I told the right story?

Or, at the very least, have I avoided telling the wrong one? The difficulty for me lies in differentiating between what this refuse means to me, bundled up with all my biases, and what it meant to the depositor, and finding the balance between the significance attributed to it by each of us. (Funny that the one(s) who deposited this particular sample likely did so with the intent to divest themselves of it, whereas my goal was to get better acquainted with it.)

Perhaps I haven’t yet managed to extract the right story. But I can say that at least mine was a reasonable one—one of the many interpretations that could be made by any other individual confronting the same data. While archaeologists (and geographers, for that matter) can’t hope to represent the nuances of human experience in a single story or statistic, neither can they afford to let caution stall them indefinitely. If nothing else, that singular factor is a start. It can provide a point from which to further examine the refuse record, and further develop the narrative(s) inspired by it.

Oscar the Grouch and Me

I’ve always felt a special connection to Oscar the Grouch– and not just for his misanthropic nature and hoarding of seemingly useless items (although certainly that is part of it). Primarily, my love stemmed from our mutual interest in trash. Growing up, the cemetery behind my house had a big, beautiful pile of junk hunkered down in a far corner where my brother and I would spend our days exploring for snakes and lizards, which we would try to catch with our bare hands. While in retrospect it’s incredible that neither of us ever fell on a hypodermic needle, I enjoyed every minute I spent in that trash pile; because, even if the snakes were all hiding, I could always find some cool, gross thing tucked among the grass and woodscraps. Although (at my dad’s reasonable request) I never really rummaged through the different piles, I loved to just examine them and make up stories about where they came from, who deposited them, and why.

Learning about garbology allowed me to take my childhood past time to the next level. Working on the lab this last week, I was transported back to that cemetery garbage pile, where once again I was crouched next to a mound of junk, working to figure out what it meant.

Garbage piles are funny in that they don’t give any context to the deposition. Who was dumping this? Where did it come from? What made a person (or group of people) think, “Ah yes, this open corner of a cemetery is the best place for me to leave my old couch!?” Context has to be inferred from the material itself– and that’s archaeology. Thinking about archaeology as basically your neighbor’s garbage is a useful way to conceptualize the process and understand the biases and processes that work into the archaeological record.

The garbage I examined really made me think about this. One of the hardest aspects of analysing the “assemblage,” if you will, was thinking about how many people contributed to the deposit and deciding the purpose of the deposit (besides the obvious ” to get rid of trash” purpose). These factors would greatly influence the narrative I created. If it was kitchen trash versus personal trash, if it was one persons’ refuse or two– the garbage itself didn’t come with an instruction book. However, I soon realized that I was thinking too much about the garbage as a whole, and not listening to what the pieces of paper and apple cores were really trying to tell me. Once I changed the way I conceptualized the trash, it all began to fit together.

In all, I believe that garbology is a great way to practice archaeological techniques in a modern setting that helps you contextualize and conceptualize processes and human behavior behind disposal. I fully encourage everyone to take a little time out of their day to peer into someone else’s trash. There is no limit to what you can learn about your friends, enemies, neighbors and ancestors by spending a little time with your inner Oscar.

Garbology and Mental/ Emotional States

Sifting through someone’s garbage may not seem like the most glamorous  thing to do. However, you can tell a lot about a person just by examining the types of objects they discard in the trash. You gain insight into various aspects of their lives including daily activities such as eating and drinking. Garbology can also be used to see other aspects of a person’s life like socio-economic status, family size, gender, etc.. However, garbology can be used to to dig deeper (no pun intended) into the bigger the picture. It can be used to gain insight into how people think and feel about themselves and the world going on around them.

While examining an assemblage of garbage from an anonymous donor it was clear that this person was fairly health conscious. Many of the objects in their trash included organic or simple foods that had little to no processing such as apples. crackers, and rice. Even the beverages they consumed were healthy. From this, it could be inferred that this person cares about body image. Here in the United States, a fit person is often perceived as being beautiful and attractive. This would suggest that this person cares about how other people perceive them. Perhaps in their mind, if they eat healthy then they will be perceived as health conscious and be seen as beautiful and attractive. This indeed plays a huge role in a person’s mental as well as emotional perception of themselves.

It should also be noted that here in the United States it often said that if you eat healthy and engage in healthy activities you will feel better. This person also did not have recorded instances of drinking alcohol, smoking, excessive eating of bad foods in one sitting, or engaging in any form of self destructive behavior. Again, this gives clues into this person’s emotional and mental state because often times (not always) people will use these items as a form of escape from something that would cause unhappiness. Perhaps it might be a bit of a stretch to 100% accurately conclude these things based on one sample, but it surely does give some indication of how this person thinks and feels.[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2fgXWzrArXA]

Garbology is not a study of a rock band

I’ve always been a nosey person, while working at a department store I happen to like finding people’s shopping lists.  It is a different sort of gratification that can be gotten from looking at the recorded contents of someone’s garbage can.

The list we were given to analyze is from a narrow frame in time, an arbitrarily selected week.  I know that my list was not a typical assortment of garbage for my household so it stands to reason that any of my fellow student’s garbage could be anomalous to their standard garbage.  Looking at old garbage (“real archaeology” if you will), it’s easy to forget the human agency behind the garbage.  A certain layer of refuse could reflect an accurate portrayal of a household’s garbage- alternately it could represent having houseguests over for several days.  It is also helpful to remember that what we remember we have disposed of, what we tell people we have disposed of, and what we have really disposed of are often in conflict with one another.  Garbology is evidence why simply having a written record of an event is not enough to believe that is the truth.  Reasons why historical archaeology is necessary.

So, addressing my sample more specifically.  All the recorded refuse seems to be food-related, although it can’t be said that some of these items had alternate uses elsewhere in the house.  There was not a lot of actual food-waste, most of the garbage was actually packaging.  I feel a bit concerned for the eating habits of my garbage donor; only in the initial opening bit of their week did they deposit any fresh produce remains, the rest of the food containers were dominated by processed and prepackaged foods.  Anonymous garbage-donor, don’t you know those are really high in sodium?!

I do feel much better now about the number of instant coffees and string cheeses on my garbage record.

This is not Garbology

This is not Garbology